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The Inflation Accounting Steering Group was a Committee of the Accounting Standards Committee, the governing bodies of which were the Institutes of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales, of Scotland and in Ireland, the Association of Certified Accountants, the Institute of Cost and Management Accountants, and the Chartered Institute of Public Finance and Accountancy. The IASG developed a major document on inflation accounting (ED 18).
Jean Ingelow was born in Lincolnshire and educated at home. From 1850 until her death she lived in Kensington, London, and wrote poetry and prose for both children and adults; some of her early work was published under the pseudonym 'Orris'. Ingelow was acquainted with Alfred Tennyson, John Ruskin, Christina Rossetti and other literary and artistic figures, and was a member of the Portfolio Society of women artists and writers. Her work was particularly popular in the USA; some of her American readers petioned unsuccessfully for her to succeed Tennyson as poet laureate.
Sir Godfrey Newbold Hounsfield was Born, 1919; Education: Magnus Grammar School, Newark; City and Guilds examination in Radio Communications; diploma from Faraday House Electrical Engineering College, London; Career: Builder's drawing office; volunteer reservist with RAF during WW2 - radar mechanic instructor working at Royal College of Science and then Cranwell Radar School, RAF Certificate of Merit (1945); joined research staff Electric and Musical Industries (EMI) Hayes (1951) working on first all transistor computer to be constructed in Britain (EMIDEC 1100, 1958), moved to EMI Central Research Laboratories where he developed the EMI brain scanner, first demonstrated at Atkinson Morley's Hospital, Wimbledon in September 1971; Head of Medical Systems Section, Thorn EMI Central Research Laboratories (1972-1976), Chief Staff Scientist (1976-1977), Senior Staff Scientist (1977-1985), Consultant to Laboratories (1986-2004); winner of MacRobert Award (1972) and many other honours including Lasker Award (1975); continued to work as a consultant for EMI after retirement until 2002 and also for National Heart and Chest Hospitals, Chelsea and the National Heart Hospital and the Brompton Hospital; Honorary Fellow of the Royal Academy of Engineering (1994), received six honorary degrees and more than forty awards; Mullard Medal 1977; Nobel Prize (Physiology or Medicine) 1979; Fellow of the Royal Society (1975); died, 2004.
Brigadier Hill House was was built on Brigadier Hill in the eighteenth century. It has now been demolished.
Born 1915; Paymaster Midshipman, HMS BARHAM, 1934; Paymaster Sub-Lieutenant, 1935; Paymaster Lieutenant, HMS VERNON, 1937; mentioned in despatches whilst serving on the HMS TERROR, 1941; retired from the Royal Navy with the war service rank of Lieutenant Commander (S), Jun 1944; BA at Queens College, Oxford, 1946; MA, 1963; ordained in the Church of England, 1964.
George Ingram entered St Thomas's Hospital as a student in 1941. He graduated BA MB B Chir Cantab, MRCP London, MRC Path. He was Director of the Louis Jenner Laboratory, and Professor of Experimental Haematology at St Thomas's Hospital Medical School.
Publications: Jointly with M. Brozovic and N.G.P. Slater, Bleeding disorders. investigation and management, Blackwell Scientific, Oxford 1982.
John Kells Ingram was born into a Protestant family in County Donegal, Ireland in 1823. He was educated at Trinity College Dublin, where he co-founded the Dublin Philosophical Society. He became a fellow of Trinity College in 1846 and a professor in 1852, later serving as librarian and vice-provost. From 1847 he was also a member of the Royal Irish Academy, serving as president from 1892 until 1896. His interests were wide-ranging, from geometry to classical literature, but he is best remembered as an economist.
Born, 1904; Reader in Classics, Birckbeck College, 1934-1948; Professor of Classics, Westfield College, 1948; Professor of Greek Language and Literature, King's College London, 1953-1971; Director of Institute of Classical Studies, University of London, 1964-1967; President of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, 1959-1962; Chairman of the Board of Studies in Classics; President of the London Classical Society; honorary doctorate, University of Glasgow; died 1993.
Publications: Mode in Ancient Greek Music (1936).
Euripides and Dionysus (1948).
Studies in Aeschylus (Cambridge University Press, 1983).
The Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, first opened in 1663 under a Royal Charter from Charles II. In 1672 it was badly damaged by fire, and replaced by a new theatre designed by Sir Christopher Wren, which was opened in 1674.
The head office of the company was at 300 Goswell Road, London EC1. They sold carrier tricycles, one of which was especially designed for "...the suit pressing and valet service business."
According to their website, the Initiation Society was founded in 1745. Its aim is to ensure the highest medical and religious standards for bris milah (circumcision) amongst mohelim (practitioners). The Society works closely with the London Beth Din and their mohelim have undergone formal training in the medical and halachic (religious) aspects of bris milah.
See http://www.initiationsociety.org.uk/_index.htm for more information (accessed March 2010).
The Inland Waterways Association was founded as a registered charity in 1946 to campaign for the restoration, retention and development of inland waterways in the British Isles and their fullest possible commercial use. Membership is by invitation only. In 1971, the IWA Council established a sub-committee entitled the Commercial Carrying Group, which later changed its name to the Inland Shipping Group (ISG). Its purpose is to advise the IWA on matters pertaining to freight carrying on inland waterways, as well as maintaining liaison with other interest groups, organising conferences and seminars, and generally publicising this mode of transport. Each of the IWA's seven regions has an Inland Shipping Committee.
The committee consisted of representatives of the National Federation of Inland Wholesale Fish Merchants; the Liverpool Wholesale Fish, Game, and Poultry Merchants' Association; and the Birmingham Fish and Poultry Merchants' Association. It was formed in 1950 to provide a means of communication between the wholesale trade and the White Fish Authority.
Under the National Health Insurance Act, 1911, certain groups of the working population, mainly manual and lower paid workers, could obtain free general practitioner medical services by virtue of their contributions to the scheme. The 'panel' system was operated by local insurance committees (in this case, for the County of London) who also provided pharmaceutical services for the contributors. In the complicated system of 'approved' societies, some contributors qualified for additional benefits of free or reduced cost dentistry or ophthalmic services. The Insurance Committee for the County of London had representatives from various interests such as insured persons, medical practitioners, local government and central government.
The Inner London Executive Council (ILEC) was constituted under the provisions of Section 31 of the National Health Service Act, 1946. The Act stipulated that an executive council should consist of 25 members, 8 appointed by the Local Health Authority for the area, 5 appointed by the Minister of Health, 7 appointed by the Local Medical Committee, 3 appointed by the local Dental Committtee and 2 appointed by the Local Pharmaceutical Committee.
The duties of the ILEC were to make arrangements for the provision of: personal medical services (including maternity services), proper and sufficient drugs, medicines and prescribed appliances to all persons receiving general medical services, general dental services, and supplementary ophthalmic services in the County of London.
The ILEC entered into contractual relations with medical practitioners and ophthalmic medical practitioners and opticians. Payment was made for the work carried out. There were a number of statutory committees: finance, allocation, medical services, pharmaceutical services, dental services, and joint services. Other committees were established to deal with ophthalmic services, obstetrics and general benefits (the last having most contact with medical practitoners).
The ILEC's main roles lay in acceptance and deletion of medical cards, together with the renumeration of general practitioners. Membership of ILEC was for a three year period; the Council included a Chairman and a Clerk.
The ILEC could nominate people to the Hospital Management Committee, it also acted in cooperation with Local Health Authorities over the establishment of Health Centres, and in consultation with the Local Medical Committee, the Local Dental Committee and the Local Pharmaceutical Committee. The Council met not less than once every three months, its meetings generally being open to the press and public, but closed for discussions of reports from service committees or if the Council elected to go into Committee.
The Committees acted as important bodies in the conduct of everyday business in specialist fields in a way in which the full Council could never function. The Allocation Committee dealt with lists of patients on practitioner's books. The Medical, Dental and Pharmaceutical Service Committees were disciplinary bodies for the professional services involved. The General Benefit Committee regulated the day to day problems in practice: entry into service, employment of assistants, surgery accommodation, leave of absence, variation of consultation place, use of drugs and advertising by pharmaceutical companies. The Obstetric Committee examined applications received from practitioners for recognition as having obstetric experience. Joint Committees between the professional services of between the ILEC and the Local Medical Committee could be set up to deal with matters such as vacancies or Fixed Annual payments (made to assist persons building up a practice).
The Executive Councils were abolished in 1974 and replaced by Family Practitioner Committees which were to provide administrative services for the independent contractors to the National Health Service.
Before the 1840s children received the same treatment in the courts as adults. Changes began tentatively in 1847, when the Juvenile Offenders Act permitted children not over the age of 14 and charged with simple larceny, to be tried and sentenced by two lay justices of the peace or one stipendiary magistrate. This was an alternative to the usual full court hearing by indictment before a jury (see MSJ/CY series in the Middlesex Sessions records).
The Summary Jurisdiction Act 1879 enlarged the provisions of the 1847 Act. Offenders under the age of 16 could be tried summarily for nearly all indictable offences. This reduced the number of juveniles in prison and simplified the trial process. However, juveniles still had to mix with adult defendants and prisoners.
The 1908 Children Act at last established separate juvenile courts. Cases concerning persons under 16 were to be heard in a separate room or building and at separate times from adult cases. The Act authorised the establishment by Order-in-Council of separate juvenile courts for the Metropolitan Police District.
An Order-in-Council, 2 December 1909, established six juvenile courts to cover the then fourteen police court districts. These courts were: Bow Street, Clerkenwell, Tower Bridge, Westminster, Old Street, and Greenwich. These courts were presided over by a Metropolitan stipendiary magistrate sitting alone.
From 1920, under the Juvenile Courts (Metropolis) Act, the Metropolitan Magistrate was to be joined by two lay justices (one to be a woman) drawn from a panel nominated by the Home Secretary. From the mid-1930s the juvenile courts became largely the preserve of lay justices.
In the early 1930s all the Metropolitan juvenile courts were administered from Bow Street. A Chief Clerk was subsequently appointed to deal solely with juvenile courts and was given full-time staff. This centralised administration still continues.
The original six courts, after 1909, changed names and location several times and were gradually increased. These changes can be traced in the Post Office Directories in the History Library.
Under the Administration of Justice Act 1964 and the London Government Act 1963 a unified system of magistrates' courts for Inner London was established, of which the juvenile courts formed part. At least one juvenile court was established for each of the new London Boroughs.
The origins of the Justices of the Peace lie in the temporary appointments of 'conservators' or 'keepers' of the peace made at various times of unrest between the late twelfth century and the fourteenth century. In 1361 the 'Custodis Pacis' were merged with the Justices of Labourers, and given the title Justices of the Peace and a commission (see MJP). The Commission (of the Peace) gave them the power to try offences in their courts of Quarter Sessions, appointed them to conserve the peace within a stated area, and to enquire on the oaths of "good and lawfull men" into "all manner of poisonings, enchantments, forestallings, disturbances, abuses of weights and measures" and many other things, and to "chastise and punish" anyone who had offended against laws made in order to keep the peace.
The cases which the justices originally dealt with were offences which could not be dealt with by the manorial court (i.e. misdemeanours), but which were less serious than those which went to the Assize Judges (i.e. felonies). Misdemeanours included breaches of the peace - assault, rioting, defamation, minor theft, vagrancy, lewd and disorderly behaviour, and offences against the licensing laws. In 1388 a statute laid down that the court sessions should meet four times a year (hence the name 'Quarter Sessions'): Epiphany, Easter, Trinity (midsummer) and Michaelmas (autumn) - two or more justices (one at least from the quorum) were to decide exactly where and when.
The judicial process began even before the sessions opened with examinations being taken by the magistrates once the crime had been reported by the constable, the injured party or a common informant. The accused could then be bailed to keep the peace or to appear at the next sessions, be remanded in gaol before a trial, or acquitted. Once the sessions had opened there was still an examination by a Grand Jury as to whether there was a case to answer, before the trial proper could get underway.
During the sixteenth century the work of the Quarter Sessions and the justices was extended to include administrative functions for the counties. These were wide ranging and included maintenance of structures such as bridges, gaols and asylums; regulating weights, measures, prices and wages, and, probably one of their biggest tasks, enforcing the Poor Law. The dependence of the justices on officials like the sheriff, the constables, and the Clerk of the Peace to help them carry out their functions (both judicial and administrative) cannot be underestimated. As their workload grew, particularly during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, more help was needed and there was an increase in the number of officers appointed for specific tasks, and committees for specific purposes were set up.
The bulk of the administrative work was carried out on one specific day during the court's sitting known as the County Day. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, it was clear that the Quarter Session's structure was unable to cope with the administrative demands on it, and it lost a lot of functions to bodies set up specifically to deal with particular areas - the most important of these was the Poor Law, reformed in 1834. By the end of the century, when the Local Government Act of 1889 established county councils, the sessions had lost all their administrative functions. The judicial role of the Quarter Sessions continued until 1971, when with the Assize courts they were replaced by the Crown Courts.
Alongside the aforementioned functions of the Quarter Sessions, was its role as the place of registration and deposit for official non-sessions records, which needed to be certified and available for inspection.
Much of the routine judicial and administrative work during the period covered by the existing records was carried out by small groups of justices. This was done outside the main court sittings by the justices in their local areas - usually within a Hundred division. Special Sessions were held for purposes such as licensing alehouses (Brewster Sessions), or to organise the repair of the highways. More common were the meetings of one or two justices in what became known as petty sessions and which dealt with issues such as rating, granting of licences, the appointment of parish officers, and the examination of witnesses and suspects prior to the start of the next sessions. Increasingly here the justices also began to determine cases involving minor offences and exercise 'summary jurisdiction'.
The inconvenience of using their own homes for this work, and the need for the public to know where magistrates would be available led to the setting up of 'public offices'. The first one was in Bow Street, Westminster from about 1727. In 1828 all courts of Quarter Sessions were allowed to create within their county, divisions for petty sessions, thus formalising any earlier informal arrangements.
The County of London sessions met in Clerkenwell Green until 1919 when they moved to the former Surrey sessions house on Newington Causeway.
Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society, 1958-1990
William Innes and Thomas Clerk formed a partnership from circa 1748 which was dissolved in 1760. From 1750 their office was at Lime Street Square. From 1760-64 William Innes was the elder partner of Innes and Hope. He operated on his own thereafter and a William Innes is listed in London directories at 6 Lime Street Square until 1797.
The modern history of the Regiment begins in 1859 with the formation of the 23rd Middlesex (Inns of Court) Rifle Volunteer Corps; it became the 14th Middlesex in 1889. The Regiment was attached, in its later years, to the Rifle Brigade and also formed part of the 2nd London Volunteer Brigade and the "Grey Brigade". In 1888 a mounted infantry detachment was formed and became known as "B" (M.I.) Company. A contingent of 30 mounted infantry, 19 cyclists and 1 signaller joined the City Imperial Volunteers for service in South Africa during the Boer War. In 1908 the Territorial Force was formed and the Regiment became a Territorial unit, the 27th Battalion of the County of London Regiment (Inns of Court), but almost immediately it was changed into an officer training unit under the designation Inns of Court Officers Training Corps. The Regiment had an establishment of one squadron of cavalry (I.C.O.T.C. Squadron, formerly "B" (M.I.) Company) and three companies of infantry. In 1914 the Inns of Court Reserve Corps was formed consisting of former members of the Inns of Court Rifle Volunteers, and in 1917 the 1st Cadet Battalion, Inns of Court, was formed to train boys under military age.
In 1920 the Regiment was reformed with an establishment of one squadron of cavalry and two companies of infantry and in 1932 its designation was changed to the Inns of Court Regiment. The two infantry companies were converted to light tank cavalry squadrons in 1937 and two years later formed the Royal Armoured Corps Wing, Sandhurst. In 1939 the mounted squadron joined a cavalry training regiment in Edinburgh, but was disbanded in 1940. Between 1940 and 1943 the Regiment was the Armoured Car Unit of the 9th Armoured Division and from 1943 it was under the direct command of 1 Corps, the assault formation of 21 Army Group and later led the advance of 11th Armoured Division. On 1 April 1947 the Regiment was again reformed, as the Armoured Car Regiment of the 56th (London) Armoured Division, T.A., later to become the Reconnaissance Regiment of the 54th East Anglian Division. In 1956 the Northamptonshire Yeomanry was reduced to one squadron and amalgamated with the Inns of Court Regiment as "the Northamptonshire Yeomanry "D" Squadron, the Inns of Court Regiment"; and in 1961 a further amalgamation occurred when the Regiment and the City of London Yeomanry (Rough Riders) united under the title "Inns of Court and City Yeomanry".
The "Rough Riders" had been formed in 1901 as the 1st County of London (Rough Riders) Imperial Yeomanry, but its name was changed to the City of London (Rough Riders) Imperial Yeomanry in 1902. Thereafter the Regiment's name changed to City of London Yeomanry (Rough Riders), then City of London Yeomanry Battery, R.H.A. and 11th (City of London Yeomanry) Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment, R.A. before reverting to City of London Yeomanry (Rough Riders) prior to amalgamation. In April 1967 the Territorial and Army Volunteer Reserve replaced the old Territorial Army. The Inns of Court and City Yeomanry was reduced to one squadron and formed part of the "London Yeomanry and Territorials"; the regimental band was retained based at Lincoln's Inn and attached to the newly formed Royal Yeomanry Regiment.. In 1968 the London Yeomanry and Territorials was disbanded, but a cadre of the Regiment, consisting of 3 officers and 5 other ranks, was retained in the Royal Armoured Corps thus ensuring the continuation of the Regiment's name in the Army List and the retention of headquarters and mess at Lincoln's Inn. The cadre, however, was disbanded in March 1975. In 1969 71 Signal Regiment (Volunteers) was formed from disbanded yeomanry regiments and on 1 April No. 68 (Inns of Court and City Yeomanry) Signal Squadron was formed with an establishment of 8 officers and 85 other ranks and as such the Inns of Court and City Yeomanry still existed in 1977.
The Inow family were a Jewish family from Wuppertal, North Rhine Westfalia. The two daughters, Renate and Margalit escaped Nazi Germany to Great Britain and Sweden respectively, whilst their parents remained and were eventually deported to the Lodz Ghetto where they were killed.
Born in the China Seas, 1878; spent his early years in Aberdeen; moved to England as a young man; married Harriet Gordon Fraser, 1914; three children; worked as a banker in Liverpool; Presbyterian Church of England elder; interested in China, and his Chinese friends included those from the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, the Chinese Consulate, and business; involved in Christian universities in China; died, 1972.
This volume is one of a few typed copies of Miss Nellie Insley's account, written in 1915, with a 'Prefatory Note' by Henry Curtis, FRCS, written in 1923 giving both details of Miss Insley and her family and a note on the subsequent history of the hospital at St Malo.
The Institute forContemporary British History was founded in 1986 by Professor Peter Hennessy and Dr Anthony Seldon out of a concern that the recent past was being neglected as a field of historical study in British schools and universities. The ICBH encourages research in British history, creates networks of collaboration for scholars and allows for the development of oral archives and resources, mainly through a system of organising seminars, annual conferences and witness seminars (oral history discussions which bring together key witnesses to past events). It runs the Centre for Scholarship for visiting scholars from the UK and abroad. The ICBH also publishes the Survey of current affairs, the Modern history review, and the electronic Journal of international history. The ICBH joined the Institute for Historical Research, University of London, in 1999.
From 1963 to 1978 Honduras endured a series of military coups and disputed elections as well as the 1969 war with El Salvador and the devastation caused by Hurricane Fifi which killed an estimated 10,000 in 1974. Though the country moved towards an ostensibly civilian form of government from 1978, culminating three years later in an election win for the Partido Liberal de Honduras (PLH), the growing insurgencies in neighbouring El Salvador and Nicaragua during this period led to an upsurge in regional tensions, and a growing influx of refugees. As Honduras became drawn into the US-backed Contras' struggle against the Sandinista government in Nicaragua the army used the opportunity to crack down on dissent at home, and reports of human rights abuses began to increase. When the Sandinistas lost the 1990 Nicaraguan election the significance of Honduras to the United States largely disappeared, as did the aid that had formerly been liberally provided, leaving the country facing the same economic concerns as in the 1970s. The materials held here date primarily from the late 70s to the end of the main Central American guerrilla struggle, and deal with both the country's economic situation and with the war and its human rights consequences. The material comes from trades unions and political groups, though not from the major parties, as well as from external human rights organisations and NGOs.
The coup in Chile in 1973 must rank as amongst the most important and controversial events in the history of Latin America since the Second World War. The holdings here certainly attest to that, more numerous than for any other nation and predominantly concerned with the Allende government and the junta that replaced it. There had been coups in other countries in the region (amongst others Guatemala in 1954, Brazil and Bolivia in 1964, Argentina in 1966), but none that resonated with the outside world in the same way. It was Chile's misfortune to be seen as a paradigm example, a test case for the democratic road to socialism. Following the moderate reformism of Eduardo Frei's Christian Democratic administration (1964-1970) the 1970 election was won by a narrow margin by the Popular Unity coalition led by Socialist Party leader Salvador Allende. Allende sought to increase state ownership and control in the economy (an early move being the nationalisation of the copper industry), but to do so within the constitutional bounds of Chilean democracy. The result was an increased polarisation of society between the upper and middle classes with most to lose from the expropriation of privately-owned assets and the redistribution of income and the supporters of Allende (primarily the peasants, the working class and the marginal poor). This conflict exarcerbated Chile's growing economic difficulties (blamed either on the new government's reforms or on the obstruction of those reforms by the opposition and its tacit supporters in the United States), and led to the emergence of more radical left-wing groups such as the MIR (Revolutionary Movement of the Left) and eventually to the September 11th military coup led by General Pinochet. That this succeeded was due in no small part to the divisions on the left, with the Communist Party (and through it the Soviet Union, whose limited funding of the Popular Unity government was provided increasingly reluctantly) continually urging caution in the face of the maximalist demands being put forward by the MIR and the radical wing of Allende's Partido Socialista.
The coup was significant not just for its resounding verdict on the democratic socialist approach but also for the opportunity it provided for the trial of the monetarist policies advocated by economists such as Milton Friedman. Thus the Chile of Pinochet continued to attract and divide international attention and opinion, organisations such as Amnesty and the Betrand Russell Tribunal publicising the regime's human rights abuses whilst conservative leaders in the UK and US in the 1980s supported its sound anti-communist and neo-liberal economic stances. The materials held here are predominantly from groups more concerned with torture and disappearances than with interest rates, and include items produced by expatriate branches of the Popular Unity parties, reports from external Church, UN and labour investigators and a host of materials from organisations representing those who suffered under Pinochet. There is also a sizable collection of contemporary material dating from the time of the Allende government.
In the post-war era Argentina was governed mainly by either the military (1943-1946, 1955-1958, 1966-1973 and 1976-1982) or the authoritarian populist Juan Domingo Perón (1946-1955, 1973-1974), himself a prominent army figure in the 1943 coup. Only after the Falklands War did Argentina embark on a more democratic course, and the new presidential democratic federal republic has been since been beset by severe economic problems culminating in the 2001 collapse. This collection contains two pamphlets authored by Perón himself in the 1940s, but the majority of the material covers either the torture and disapperances that occurred during the 1970's `dirty war' between the state and armed organisations of both the left and right or the attempts to account for these human rights abuses in the 1980s.
Much of the material in this collection is concerned with the climate of violence in Uruguay in the 1970s. Some documents the activities of the Tupamaros, a left-wing urban guerrilla movement whose role in the increasing unrest in the country provided the pretext for the effective takeover of power by the armed forces in 1973. The widespread human rights abuses that occurred in the period prior to the return to civilian government in 1984 are also covered.
The materials held here cover a wide variety of popular movements and issues in recent Latin American history from both internal (in the form of publications by local pressure groups, oppositional parties and governments) and external perspectives (through the reports and bulletins of NGOs, international conferences and foreign political parties). Inevitably (given the military governments, revolutionary movements and increasingly dominant neo-liberal economic policies which have marked this era in the continent's history) major topics include human rights, poverty, economic sovereignty and the condition of indigenous peoples, whilst the role of the United States in the hemisphere is also considered. Another aspect unique to Latin America is the large amount of material originating from Christian groups, many seeking to "exercise an option in favour of the poor" as promulgated by the II Vatican Council (1962-1965).
Following the CIA-backed military coup which removed the reformist government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 Guatemala endured thirty years of military rule, characterised by a tragic spiral of human rights abuses and the growth of guerilla insurgencies, both reinforcing the other. By 1982 the revolutionary groups had merged into the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG) and it was with this organisation that the civilian government elected in 1984 began negotiations in 1987. Despite various peace agreements and elections violence, abuse and poverty have remained endemic in Guatemala, with army leaders such as General Efrain Rios Montt still not having been brought to face trial. The majority of the materials held here date from the era of military rule and reflect the concerns of NGOs and local groups regarding human rights, poverty, the indigenous peoples, and the need for development. In addition there are materials from guerilla organisations and from Church groups, though the amount of actual party political material is limited.
Most of the materials held in this collection at present date from period surrounding the 1979 revolution, dealing with the decline and fall of the Somoza dynasty and the progress of the Sandinista government which replaced it. Thus there are reports from NGOs concerned with human rights abuses and economic and social conditions under the old regime alongside publications by and about opposition groups of both gradualist and revolutionary persuasions. Post-revolutionary materials detail the struggle against the US-backed Contra forces, the controversial elections of 1984 and the progress of the Central American Peace Plan. A large proportion of these are authored either by the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) themselves or by organisations expressing solidarity with them, including some Church groups despite the antipathy of the Catholic heirerchy to the revolution. It must be noted that the overwhelming majority of the items held here are can be judged to be sympathetic towards the Sandinistas, reflecting inevitably the priorities of those who collected and housed the material.
Colombia has a long tradition of both democracy and political violence, and this remains true for the period covered by the bulk of this collection. Prior to 1974 the country had been ruled for sixteen years by a National Front which allowed for the alternation in power of the two main parties, the Partido Conservador Colombiano (Colombian Conservative Party, PCC) and the Partido Liberal Colombiano (Colombian Liberal Party, PLC). This period also saw the emergence of a variety of leftist guerrilla groups, most prominently the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia--FARC), the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional--ELN), the Popular Liberation Army (Ejército Popular de Liberación--EPL) and the 19th of April Movement (Movimiento 19 de Abril--M-19). The transition to open competition between the Liberals and Conservatives in 1974 failed to end the insurgency, which was further complicated by the increasing involvement in the fighting of drugs cartels and right-wing paramilitary organisations, the latter with suspected links to both the cartels and the government. The 1970s and 1980s bore witness to a cycle of repression, violence, human rights abuses and failed peace talks. Of the parties actually involved in this conflict only the M-19 are represented here, along with other small radical socialist groups. However the causes and the consequences of the civil war, especially Colombia's gross economic inequalities and the catalogue of disappearances and human rights abuses, dominate the agendas of the NGOs, pressure groups, trade unions, Church bodies and international organisations whose publications are held here. As the country remains volatile it is likely that these issues will continue to predominate in any new material that is collected..
In 1968 the government of Fernando Belaúnde Terry and his Acción Popular party was deposed by a leftist military coup following a currency crisis and a continuing guerrilla war in the countryside. For the next twelve years a revolutionary' military government ran the country, although this period can be divided into two distinct phases. From 1968 to 1975 the new president, Juan Velasco Alvarado, instituted a programme of land reform, industrialisation and nationalisation which sought to end United States dominance over Peru as well as reduce the country's reliance on exports. However, once Velasco was replaced by Francisco Morales Bermudez Cerruti thesecond phase' of the revolution took the form of a move back towards the free market and the increasing embrace of new neo-liberal economic ideas. Civilian rule returned to the country in 1980, but economic problems continued and the emergence of new armed movements such as Sendero Luminoso and Tupac Amuru led to the escalation of the so-called dirty war' and a consequent increase in accusations of human rights infractions. This collection holds materials published by the military government of the 1970s, many on land reform, as well of others from left-wing groups like the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) and the Vanguardia Revolucionaria. Also represented are peasant organisations and trades union federations, as well as independent studies of the Peruvian economic situation in the 1970s. As thedirty war' worsened in the 1980s an increasing number of publications, from both local political parties, church groups (such as the Inter-Church Committee on Human Rights in Latin America) and NGOs like Amnesty, are concerned with human rights in the country, while other items concentrate on the increasing problem of inflation. The majority of materials currently held in the collection date from the period between the 1968 coup and the election of Fujimori in 1992.
The majority of the materials held here date from the period between 1964 and 1982 when Bolivia, barring a brief period at the end of the 1970s, was under military rule. Despite the expansion of the mining sector and a period of economic growth lasting to the mid-1970s a succession of military leaders continued to use repressive tactics against opposition parties and unions, and following an economic downturn the human rights situation worsened, culminating in the cocaine cartel-financed presidency of General Luis García Meza (1980-1982) in which both paramilitary groups and tactics of arbitrary arrest, detention and torture were used to cow the opposition. This collection includes materials from unions (and union federations such as the Central Obrera Boliviana (COB)), political parties and internal and external human rights pressure groups, as well as government proclamations and pronouncements (mostly regarding the mining industry). There are also reports from groups working with indigenous peoples, as well as material produced by the Roman Catholic Church. The reaction of these organisations to the transition to civilian rule after 1982 and the country's consequent economic problems are also represented in the collection.
The majority of the materials held in this collection at present originate from the 1970s and 1980s, during which time Paraguay was effectively a military dictatorship under the rule of President Alfredo Stroessner. In the 1970s the country enjoyed a period of sustained economic growth, significantly fuelled by its joint participation with Brazil in the Itaipú hydroelectric plant, but this growth was to evaporate following the completion of the project in the 1980s, and the Stronato was eventually overthrown in a February 1989 coup. The limits of the aforementioned economic boom can be seen in the fact that the most prominent organisation represented here is the Misión de Amistad, the church group which through its various projects sought to alleviate poverty and faciliate rural development amongst Paraguay's peasantry and indigenous peoples. Furthermore the price paid by the country for its political stability was a record of repression which helped produce the growing international isolation that preceded Stroessner's deposition, and which is reflected here in a number of items issued by human rights organisations based abroad in Argentina and elsewhere.
The collection currently consists of materials dating from the three decades that followed the 1959 revolution. Many of the items are official publications originating from either the Communist Party of Cuba or from various government ministries, though in practice the distinction between party and state became increasing blurred. There are also a large number of pamphlets featuring speeches by Fidel Castro. Given Cuba's situation during this period as it faced the antagonism of the United States, sought to maintain a degree of independence within the Soviet orbit and championed the non-aligned movement it is unsurpising that many of these speeches are concerned with foreign policy and foreign affairs (including the wars in Vietnam and Angola and the problems of debt that increasingly faced the whole of Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s). Other materials deal with the transistion of Cuba to a state-controlled planned economy and the problems of reconciling this with civil and human rights, though it must be noted that the majority of the items held here (whether produced internally or externally) are broadly in sympathy with the Castro regime.
Costa Rica's political stability during the period covered here stands in marked contrast to the situation in other countries in the region. Since 1949 it has been a relatively successful presidential democracy. The materials here tend not to originate from the major political parties but instead mainly come from organisations concerned with social and economic conditions in Costa Rica, particularly the problems of land reform and the countryside. Internal and external, academic and practical and Christian and secular bodies are all represented.
The majority of the materials in the collection at present date from the 1970s and 1980s, during which time Panama, despite a democratic façade, was effectively ruled by the military. During the 1970s increasing Panamanian discontent with the 1903 Hay-Bunau-Varilla Canal Treaty led eventually to its renegotiation with the United States in 1977, and it is the canal, these treaties and their consequences for the economy, society and independence of Panama which dominate the content of these items. Bodies from which the items originate include the military junta, the US government, NGOs and homegrown oppositional movements. The increasing repressiveness of the Panamanian regime under Noriega coupled with the post-1982 economic problems of the country are also alluded to in the materials held here, with the plight of the indigenous population in particular being highlighted.
The majority of the materials held in the collection here date from the period of military rule over Brazil between 1964 and 1985. Following the overthrow (with the alleged support of the United States) of the Goulart administration a series of generals presided during a period characterised by unprecedented economic growth and social repression. The former phenomenon, driven by huge state-backed industrialising projects such as the construction of the Itaipu hydroelectric dam and later by external borrowing culminating in the 1980s debt crisis, failed to bridge the inequalities of Brazilian society, as testified to here in the materials produced by development groups such as the Federação de Orgaos para Assistência Social e Educacional (FASE) as well as those of Christian organisations both indigenous and foreign. The latter is evinced here in the items produced by human rights and Latin American solidarity groups, whilst the restictions on organised labour which appeared to tie together authoritarianism and economic progress were increasingly challenged by the late 1970s by strikes particularly in the São Paulo industrial region, strengthening both the union confederations that are represented here and their political offshoot, the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). The grievances of rural and urban organisations working for land and labour reform continued to be expressed as Brazil transferred to civilian government after 1985, with the holdings here from this period being dominated by the Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) rather than the burgeoning number of political parties emerging in the post-military scene.
The period of Venezuelan history covered by the majority of the pamphlets currently held in this collection is one dominated politically by the consequences of the 1958 Pact of Punto Fijo. This was an agreement between the main civilian parties of the day, Accion Democrática (AD), the Partido Social Cristiano de Venezuela (COPEI) and the Unión Republicana Democrática (URD) on a common programme and an informal sharing power sharing arrangement, which basically saw AD and COPEI alternate in government until 1989. Though this system provided electoral stability, it gradually eroded trust in the democratic process and in the accountability of Venezuela's leaders to the needs of its people, culminating in the 1989 riots precipitated by AD President Carlos Andrés Peréz's economic reforms. As well as materials produced by the mainstream parties there are also items originating from left-wing groups and guerrilla organisations ostracised from the political process, trade unions and pressure groups concerned with issues such as the rights of women and indigenous peoples. Venezuela's economy is largely sustained by its state-owned oil industry, and there are several government-produced pamphlets here appertaining to that.
Throughout the period covered by the materials held here Mexico was governed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, or PRI) although the relatively small number of party political documents in the collection may be seen as testimony to the limited party political challenges to its hegemony. However, increasing concern with the maintenance of internal order in the 1960s was both cause and consequence of the rise in opposition by other organisations to de facto one-party rule, as evinced in these materials by the publications of revolutionary movements, human rights organisations and groups expressing solidarity with the students massacred at Tlatelolco in 1968. Subsequently, the economic crisis which gradually enveloped Mexico in the 1970s and 1980s (as a consequence of high government expenditure and an increasing reliance on falling oil revenues) is reflected in the workers and peasants' movements represented here which prefigure the Zapatista uprising of 1994.
The civil wars, guerilla movements, human rights abuses and economic problems afflicting Central America in the 1970s and 1980s are the chief topics discussed in these documents, primarily authored by non-governmental organisations.
Following the assassination of Trujillo in 1961 the Dominican Republic endured a series of shortlived governments punctuated by coups prior to the United States military intervention in 1965. This sought to lessen potential communist influence on the island by denying the Partido Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD) power, and led to the 1966 election victory of Joaquín Balaguer Ricardo. Balaguer ruled until 1978, when American pressure forced him to accept the election victory of the PRD's Antonio Guzmán. Guzmán and his successor Salvador Jorge Blanco checked the role of the military in politics, and attenpted to implement reforms, but the PRD still lost the 1986 elections and Balaguer returned to power. Economically, this period saw the Dominican Republic prosper with a rise in sugar prices, but when these began to fall, US import quotas were cut and oil prices rose. The result was an economic crisis which saw IMF intervention and food riots by 1985. The materials held here reflect these political and economic developments, with the predominant perspectives being those of Christian organisations working with the peasantry and of the main union federation, the Central General de Trabajadores (CGT).
The majority of the materials held here date from the years of Duvalier rule over Haiti, with first François (Papa Doc', 1957-1971) and then his son Jean-Claude (Baby Doc', 1971-1986) controlling the country through a mixture of fraudulent elections, populist gestures and the backing of the military. The elder Duvalier in particular took steps early in his regime to purge the army of officers considered potentially disloyal and to augment it with a loyal rural militia known as the tonton makouts. Under this dictatorship Haitians suffered both human rights abuses and increasing hardship as government corruption ensured that little foreign aid reached the population in general. The issues of aid, health, refugees fleeing the regime and human rights consequently predominate in this collection, which originates in the main from overseas NGOs and Christian charities as well as United States government bodies.
Puerto Rico has been dominated by the United States since its seizure from Spain in 1898. Its ambiguous status, resolved first by making it an unincorporated territory of the United States in 1917 and then by according it Commonwealth status in 1952, persists to this day. Puerto Ricans are citizens of the United States, serve in its armed forces and yet cannot vote in Presidential elections. Unsurprisingly constitutional issues feature prominently in the materials held here, with both pro-independence groups on the island and in the United States represented as well as the United Nations Commission on De-Colonization. However, there is a lack of material from those parties which have successfully won referenda to maintain the island's current status, as well as from those who campaign for Puerto Rico to become the 51st state, and probably a disproportionate quantity from the anti-American left.
Most of the materials held here date from the late 1970s and early 1980s, a period in which the tensions that had plagued El Salvador since the 1930s finally erupted into civil war. The war with Honduras in 1969 had exacerbated economic problems and the demand for land reform, whilst the rigging of the 1972 election against the Christian Democratic Party (PDC)'s Jos Napoeon Duarte diminished people's belief in the likelihood of effecting peaceful change. Authoritarian rule and human rights abuses on top of the above led to the formation of a plethora of leftist political and guerrilla groups and an alliance was formed between the Frente Democratico Revolucionario (FDR) and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN). Despite elections and new constitutional guarantees the continued operation of paramilitary death squads with the support of the army meant the FDR-FMLN fought on until the signing of the Chapultepec Peace Accords in 1992. The roles of the United States (which continued to supply aid to the country throughout the 1980s) and the Catholic Church (including that of Archbishop Oscar Romero, murdered in 1980) in the civil war are covered by the materials here, as are the problems of refugees and the terrible human rights abuses and state violence that occurred. The materials originate from NGOs, Church groups, revolutionary organisations, trade unions and political parties, as well as from the United States government.
The majority of the materials held in this collection date from the country's last period of military dictatorship (1972-1979) and its subsequent return to democracy following the introduction of a new constitution in 1979. The dictatorship had overseen the growth of the country's external debt to record levels, which exacerbated the effects of the economic crisis of the 1980s, when global recession coupled with a fall in petroleum prices forced Ecuador to adopt stringent austerity measures in order to meet debt-rescheduling requirements. It is these economic conditions and the continuing inequality of Equadorian society which dominate the materials held here, which originate mainly from univerisities and institutes, trade unions (notably the Central Ecuatoriana de Organizaciones Clasistas(CEDOC)) and peasant and indigenous organisations rather than from the established political parties. Their concerns range from rural conditions and the need for agricultural reform, across the struggles of the trade union movement, to the situation of the Indian population of Ecuador.
Miss Muriel Anderson has been Assistant Librarian at the Institute of Advanced Legal Studies since 1981.
Directors of the Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, 1947-1988, have been Sir David Hughes Parry MA, LLD, 1947-1959; Sir Norman D Anderson OBE, MA, LLD, 1960-1976; Professor A L Diamond LLM, 1976-1986; Sir Jack Jacob QC, LLD, Dr Juris, 1986-1988. The Director's functions are as follows: to lay down policy directions for IALS; to give academic leadership; to ensure efficient management; to represent IALS within the University and outside; and to participate on behalf of IALS in the direction and management of the School of Advanced Study.