The pressure and interest group materials assembled here date predominantly from the 1970s and 1980s and their content has almost certainly been influenced by the research interests of those collecting them as well as by the prevailing issues of the time. Thus whilst the lobbying efforts of the business community are not represented in this collection a variety of women's groups and pro-labour organisations are, along with several movements concerned with human rights in general. In addition there is a wide selection of materials from different Québécois groups, dealing both with the province's constitutional status around the time of the 1980 referendum and with other domestic issues.
As the Burnham administration moved to consolidate its power in the years following independence in 1966 groups like the Civil Liberties Action Council emerged challenging the erosion of rights in Guyana and disputing the fairness of various national and local elections. This criticism provoked further repressive measures which in turn stimulated the formation of the likes of the Guyana Human Rights Association and groups affiliated to the major political parties such as the Women's Progressive Organisation (linked to the PPP) and the Women's Revolutionary Socialist Movement (linked to the PNC).
The legacy of colonialism and neo-colonialism dominated Jamaican politics throughout the period that the materials held here cover, and as a consequence all the items are connected in some way with Jamaican independence, whether reflecting upon the Morant Bay Rebellion of 1865, warning against the INF agreements of 1977-1978 or discussing the merits of a republican constitution.
A significant number of the materials held here are British in origin, and include both the publications of human rights pressure groups campaigning for the release of political prisoners during the presidency of Daniel Arap Moi, and the Voice of Kenya newsletter which presented the viewpoint of the European population of Kenya at the time of the Mau Mau freedom movement in the 1950s. Organisations concerned with the pre-independence constitutional debates and with the demand for increased democracy in the 1980s are also represented, and there is also a constitution originating from the main Kenyan trade union federation.
The vast majority of the materials held in this collection date from the period between UDI in 1965 and Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, and include items issued by organisations both supporting and opposing majority rule. Many of the former were based abroad, and they also include in their number several Christian groups. Materials published by the pioneering multi-racial project the Cold Comfort Farm Society are also held here.
Previously known as British Honduras, Belize finally became independent in 1981, the process having been delayed more by the unresolved sovereignty dispute with Guatemala (which did not recognise the new state until 1992) than by instransigence on the behalf of London. The colony had enjoyed universal suffrage from 1954 and was granted full internal self-government from 1964, with George Price's People's United Party (PUP) and its anti-colonial stance initially dominating the domestic political scene. From the formation of the economically more liberal United Democratic Party (UDP) in 1973 a genuine two-party system emerged, with ethnic difference threatening more recently to replace political ideology as the main distinction between the two. The views of the PUP and UDP, as well as those of more minor parties, on the developments described above are represented in the materials held here.
Canada emerged from World War Two with the power and jurisdiction of its federal government greatly enhanced by the necessity of wartime controls and centralization, and the post-war period has borne witness to a complex debate between the provinces and Ottawa as to the extent to which this power should be limited or even relinquished. Complicating the issue has been the presence within the confederation of predominantly francophone Quebec, where the desire for special status or even independence has in turn impacted upon the demands made by the other provinces and territories. This has also had an effect on the political party system, with perhaps only the Liberals (and until recently the Progressive Conservatives) consistently being able to lay claim to being a truly national party whilst other essentially regionalist parties (Social Credit, Bloc Quebecois, the Reform Party and arguably the New Democratic Party) sent representatives to the national parliament. External relations have also been a focus for debate, with concern centring on the United States and its economic and cultural influence, as well as the consequences for Canadian foreign policy of following the lead of its powerful neighbour. These issues and others are raised, referred to and discussed within the materials held here.
Although trades unions had functioned in The Gambia from the 1920s, it was not until the 1950s that the first political parties emerged. Disputes between these parties, which included the Gambia Muslim Congress, the United Party and the Protectorate People's Party (later to become the Peoples' Progressive Party), delayed agreement on the transition to independence until 1965, when Dawda Kairaba Jawara of the PPP became the country's first Prime Minister. Though Gambia had a multi-party electoral system Jawara and the PPP remained in power until the 1994 coup, during which time the country became a republic (1970), experienced its first coup (1981) and formed a confederation with Senegal (Senegambia, 1982-1989). The leader of the second coup, Yahya Jammeh, has since won two presidential elections under a new constitution with his Alliance for Patriotic Re-orientation and Construction (Gambia), although several opposition parties were either banned from or boycotted the polls. The materials here cover the entire period from the end of colonial rule to the Jammeh era.
Guadeloupe changed hands been France and Britain many times before settling as a French colony in 1815. Since 1946 it has been an overseas département of France.
The politics of the areas now known as Malaysia have been dominated since independence by ethnic divisions which have permeated the economic as well as the cultural and political spheres. While the Malays form a majority of the population under the British they were largely excluded from urban roles and economic ownership in favour of the large Chinese minority, while the Indian community largely worked in serflike conditions on the peninsula's rubber plantations. The Federation of Malaya was created in 1952, and the aforementioned differences were initially resolved by the formation of the Alliance Party comprising the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the Malayan - later Malaysian - Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malayan - later Malaysian - Indian Congress (MIC). This multi-racial umbrella organisation presided over independence in 1957 and the merger with Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah which created the Federation of Malaysia in 1963 (Singapore left in 1965). Yet subsuming potentially antagonistic groups inside the Alliance almost guaranteed that the challenge to one-party rule would draw on the dissatisfaction of ethnic groups which no longer felt the original parties were representing their interests, and so new parties emerged in opposition, most notably the largely Malay Parti Islam-Se-Malaysia (PAS) and the predominantly Chinese Democratic Action Party (DAP). The advances of the latter in the 1969 elections led to communal rioting and the two-year suspension of parliament, which was dominated upon its recall by a new coalition, the Barisan Nasional, based upon the Alliance but with a greater Malay dominance. This party has remained in power since, presiding over the impressive Malaysian growth of the New Economic Policy period of the 1970s and 1980s but also over a democratic process which looked increasingly unlikely to offer any possibility of a change of government.
Since achieving independence in 1960 Nigeria has oscillated between periods of civilian and military rule. From the start the fact that that the three main parties (the Northern People's Congress (NPC), the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) and the Action Group (AG)) largely represented particular ethnic and linguistic groups made for a volatile political environment. Two coups in 1966 led to a suspension of electoral politics until 1979, when the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) led by Alhaji Shehu Usman Shagari took power following victory in the elections of that year. The result was repeated four years later, but against a background of vote-rigging allegations the military overthrew the government. Despite changes of leader, limited tolerance of political parties and aborted elections it was not until the 1999 polls that under Olusegun Obasanjo of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) the country returned to civilian administration. The vast majority of the holdings date from the periods when party politics was tolerated, and include regional and seperatist materials occasioned by the religious, tribal and linguistic divisions that have dogged Nigeria since independence. Another recurring theme is that of economic crisis and foreign exploitation, relected particularly in items originating from left-wing and nationalist political parties and in the small amount of trade union material. Besides items produced in Nigeria itself there are also a significant number of newsletters and pamphlets originating from the United Kingdom branches of parties and organisations, most of them dating from the periods of military rule.
As the Union of South Africa (1910-1961) and subsequently as a republic the country's history between independence from British rule and the 1994 elections has been dominated by the issue of relations between its different racial groups. Following the ascension to power of the Boer-dominated National Party in 1948 racial discrimination became increasingly entrenched in law as part of the 'apartheid' policy. Resistance and repression increased together, with groups representing the demands of the non-white population (notably the PAC and the ANC) being banned and subsequently conducting an armed struggle from various bases in sympathetic neighbouring countries. Legislation such as the pass laws and the ruling requiring all pupils to learn Afrikaans led to protests and subsequent massacres, in the former case at Sharpeville in 1960 and in the latter in Soweto in 1976. Domestic events were played out against a backdrop of increasing foreign condemnation of the apartheid regime and its consciousness of the vulnerability of its position as an important factor in Cold War strategy. These issues, as well as the disputes between different factions in the liberation and apartheid movements, are raised, referred to and discussed within the materials held here. In addition, newer materials deal with the political scene after the transition to majority rule and the problems such as endemic poverty and AIDS which have tempered the initial optimism of the post-apartheid era.
Sabah, previously British North Borneo, joined with Sarawak, Singapore and Malaya to form the Federation of Malaysia in 1963.
Sierra Leone's 1951 constitution inaugurated a process of increasing self-government culminating in independence in 1961. Its first post-independence elections were won by the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) in 1962, but after an unsuccessful attempt to establish a one-party state the SLPP was defeated at the polls in 1967 by the All People's Congress (APC) of Siaka Stevens. This prompted a series of coups and counter-coups until eventually Stevens assumed the prime ministership of the country in 1968. Having himself successfully enacted a one-party state in 1978 he and his successor Joseph Saidu Momoh ruled Sierra Leone until 1992, when the combination of an armed rebellion from the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and a coup overthrowing Momoh and installing a National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) plunged the country into a civil war from which it is only now tentatively emerging. The majority of the materials held here date from the period between the granting of the first constitution and the 1992 coup, and originate from both the governing party and opposition groups objecting to failures of democracy and perceived economic mismanagement. There are also a significant quantity of items produced by the country's Electoral Commission for the instruction of voters at the crucial 1967 election.
Since the independence of the Bahamas in 1973 the Turks and Caicos Islands have been a separate colony of the United Kingdom, with a 1976 constitution providing for democratic elections. These elections have seen the islands' two main parties, the People's Democratic Movement (PDM) and the Progressive National Party (PNP) alternate in power.
The sole materials currently held here originate from the United Workers' Party (UWP), which was in power in Saint Lucia for most of the period between 1964 and 1997 including the transition to independence in 1979.
By 1963 the British administration, struggling to maintain its grip on the port of Aden and the surrounding territories, had created a Federation in the hope that this would satisfy growing nationalist sentiment in the region. The ATUC pamphlet here rejects this development and instead calls for free elections which it anticipates will produce representatives committed to uniting the colony with the Yemen Arab Republic.
The union scene on the islands was dominated in the post war period by the Antigua Trades and Labour Union, formed in 1940 and led by Vere Cornwall Bird. Its political arm, the Antigua Labour Party, subsequently became the vehicle by which many erstwhile union leaders transformed themselves into politicians. The materials here mainly originate from union conferences of the 1950s and 1960s, but also include items concerning agreements struck with the oil company Esso and detailing the progress of an unfair dismissal case.
Sri Lanka had been traditionally highly unionised, particularly in the state sector, and the majority of the materials held here date from the period in the 1970s when the influence of organised labour was at its highest. Most of the items originate from umbrella organisations like the Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC), whose relative militancy prior to 1977 and subsequent support for the United National Party government that came to power that year epitomises the ebbing of union power in the 1980s. Some of the material found here relates to the struggle for worker's rights in the most turbulent sector of the island's economy, tea production.
The 1950s and 1960s saw an expansion in union power and membership as the high demand for labour in a growing economy strengthened its representatives' bargaining power. At the same time the merger of the Canadian Congress of Labour and the Trades and Labor Congress, which formed the Canadian Labor Congress, both allowed labour to present a more united front and facilitated the setting up in 1961 of the New Democratic Party, a political party intended at least in part to represent union interests. Yet by the 1970s and 1980s the movement found itself on the back foot, as the Trudeau wage controls and later demands for a more flexible workforce and the loss of manufacturing jobs contributed to the erosion of hard-won rights. The materials here, mainly from union confederations, deal with their internal and external responses to the changing conditions described above.
Part of the British Windward Islands Federation until 1958, Grenada then joined the West Indies (Federation) and when that dissolved in 1962 was made part of a further federation comprising Great Britain's remaining East Caribbean dependencies. After achieving "associated statehood" in 1967 it finally became independent in 1974, with Eric Gairy of the Grenada United Labour Party (GULP) becoming the country's first Prime Minister. The emergence in the 1970s of the New Jewel Movement (NJM) posed a challenge to Gairy that was met by an increasingly authoritarian approach. The NJM took power in a 1979 coup and established a people's revolutionary government (PRG) with Maurice Bishop at its head, but differences between Bishop and the more radical wing of the government led by Bernard Coard led to the death of the revolutionary leader in an armed fracas and the subsequent invasion of the island by the United States. Elections following the invasion saw the return of the New National Party (NNP), and this party or offshoots of it have governed the country ever since. The materials held here all date from the period prior to independence and include constitutions produced in the 1950s during a period of expansion for the Grenadian trade union movement as well as later bulletins produced by both blue and white collar unions. Interestingly these latter publications concentrate on the industrial rather than the political sphere, despite (or perhaps because of) the fact that by this time Eric Gairy's union-based GULP party was in office.
The trade union movement in India inevitably became bound up with the independence movement, with the foundation of the All-India Trade Union Congress (AITUC)in 1920 reflecting the increase in political and national consciousness following the First World War. An indication of the degree to which the economic struggle was subsumed in favour of the fight for independence can be found in the split which followed independence, with the Indian National Congress forming the Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) in response to communist domination of the AITUC. The struggles of these umbrella organisations to work inside and outside the system throughout a period marked by increasing socio-economic and political crisis (encompassing the curtailing of trade union freedoms during the emergency and the wave of strikes under the Janata Party administration) are reflected in the materials here, as are the more generalised protests against the erosion of civil rights in this period by the likes of the People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR).
The Trinidad and Tobago labour movement was particularly significant in the 1960s and 1970s, the period from which most of the materials in this collection originate. Particularly well represented are the Oilfields Workers' Trade Union (OWTU), an organisation whose significance mirrored the importance of oil to the country's economy, and the All Trinidad Sugar Estates and Factories Workers Trade Union (ATSE/FWTU), who represented the largely East Indian sugar cane workers. Though Trinidad and Tobago was unusual in the Caribbean area in that unions tended not to affiliate to political parties, this is not to say that they did not involve themselves in politics - as shown here by the polemics issued by OWTU leader George Weekes against the ruling People's National Movement (PNM), accused of selling out the workers. Also represented here are union federations, of which the most prominent were the Trinidad and Tobago Labour Congress and the Council of Progressive Trade Unions, and many smaller organisations. Following the economic downturn of the 1980s and the opening up of the previously state-dominated economy, union membership and influence declined, but a significant proportion of the workforce continues to be unionised and materials continue to be collected.
Prior to UDI in 1965 only all-white unions and African unions formed after 1959 were legally recognised in what was then Southern Rhodesia, and in addition these unions had to be skill-based rather than general. After 1965, repressive labour policies forced many unionists, including the leadership of the African Trades Union Congress (ATUC), into exile. Given government antipathy and splits within the labour movement, with some unionists advocating a less political stance and association with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) while others left to support the guerrilla war (1966-1980), trade unions remained weak until independence. Subsequently the ZANU-PF regime sought to control the workforce through the creation of a new confederation, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), designed to be compliant with government labour policy. The majority of the materials held here date from before 1980, and originate from both blue and white-collar and African and European unions.
Livestock have historically been an important feature of Argentina's economy, and the establishment of refrigerating plants for meat stimulated the expansion of trade. Britain was among the prime consumers of Argentine products and a substantial investor in the development of infrastructure.
Details of the Anglo-Argentine Refrigerating Company Ltd are not known.
Unknown.
Following the Spanish-American War a treaty (1898) established Cuba as an independent republic, although US military occupation continued until 1902, and subsequently US influence remained strong. US investment in Cuban enterprises increased, and many economic concerns passed to American ownership.
Details of the American Cuban Estates Corporation are not known.
The Gay Monitoring and Archive Project was established by the Campaign for Homosexual Equality (CHE) in 1980 with the purpose of scrutinising the media for evidence of discrimination and caring for material deposited with CHE by earlier gay rights organisations. The Gay Monitoring and Archive Project later became separate from CHE, and spent some time in the care of one of its founders, Julian Meldrum, who was employed on a part-time basis by a Manpower Services Commission grant. It was incorporated in 1982 as a limited company under the name of the Hall-Carpenter Memorial Archive Ltd, forming the basis for the Hall-Carpenter Archives
Antony Grey is the pseudonym of Anthony Edgar Gartside Wright. After taking a degree in history at Magdalene College, Cambridge (1945-1948), he worked as a journalist on The Yorkshire Post, Leeds, before moving to London in 1949 where he was employed in the Secretary's Department of the British Iron and Steel Federation and (from 1961) as a public relations executive with the London Press Exchange. One of the earliest voluntary helpers since 1958 of the newly-formed Homosexual Law Reform Society, he joined the Society's executive committee (using the name 'Antony Grey') as Honorary Treasurer in 1960 and became Secretary of the HLRS and also of its sister counselling and research charity, the Albany Trust, at the end of 1962, at first on a part-time basis and full-time from 1964. Grey campaigned tirelessly for the law reforms advocated by the Government-appointed Wolfenden Committee's report (1957), writing many articles, making numerous speeches to interested groups, lobbying MPs, and organising action to promote the passage of the (Arran/Abse) Sexual Offences Bill through Parliament until it became law in 1967. He resigned in 1970, but again became Secretary of the Sexual Law Reform Society - successor to the HLRS - and Director of the Albany Trust from 1971 to 1977, continuing to press for further liberalisation of the law and social attitudes. He was invited to become Chairman of the National Federation of Homophile Organisations (NFHO), 1971-72. Following his retirement from the Albany Trust in 1977, he was involved in counselling and training work and was for some years a member of the executive committee of the British Association for Counselling. In 1998 Antony Grey was awarded the Pink Paper Lifetime Achievement Award. He has published Quest for Justice: Towards Homosexual Emancipation (1992), Speaking of Sex (1993), and Speaking Out (1997)(Collected articles). Histories of the HLRS/SLRS and of the Albany Trust/Albany Society may be found in the description for the Albany Trust papers.
Kenric was formed from the nucleus of the old Surrey and south-west London section of the Minorities Research Group, the name being an abbreviation of Kensington and Richmond. The aim of the association was to 'remedy the sense of isolation experienced by many lesbians, by arranging meetings, discussions and other activities' and 'to educate public opinion and improve knowledge on the subject of lesbianism'. It was established as a purely social group with no campaigning remit or political affiliations though charitable work for other gay organisations was to be occasionally undertaken. A management committee was formed by the first five members in November 1965 which set about drafting the application form, establishing the British Monomark address for receipt of correspondence and drawing up the Kenric constitution. By January 1966 when the first newsletter was issued and the first social event took place, membership had grown to 45. The monthly newsletter provided a calendar of social events open to members mainly consisting of debates and talks held in central London on subjects such as 'Is there any such a thing as a lesbian?' by Mary McIntosh in Kenric's first year and 'Writing 'The Microcosm'' by Maureen Duffy in 1967. A wide variety of activities were organised by Kenric included social evenings at members' homes and visits to theatres, art galleries, restaurants and the seaside, rambling, barbeques, bring-and-buy sales, camping trips and play readings. Regular Kenric socials were also held at the Gateways club in west London. A library of publications of interest to Kenric members was established. Membership in 1968 had increased to 223 and women were joining from as far afield as County Durham and Yorkshire, though the majority were from the Home Counties. Initially members had to be over 21 to join (though this was reduced to 18 in 1970 and to 16 in the 1999). In 1970, Kenric membership reached 508 after a year with no paid advertising at all and the chair reported that 'we have clearly established ourselves as the largest specifcally homosexual organisation in the United Kingdom'.
In 1984 the constitution was re-drafted as the organisation sought to change with the times, cater for the organisation's younger membership and encourage new women to join. As the organisation became truly national and with a wider age range, subgroups developed around commonalities of location, age and status (the Over 40s group, the Kenric Mothers' Group, Kent & District Subgroup) rather than shared hobbies, and the 1980s saw the demise of the literary, music and dramatic groups which had been so popular in Kenric's early days. In 1992 a charter for subgroups was drawn up and added to the Kenric constitution in order to ensure that subgroups complied with Kenric aims and objectives and to counter the risk that they might develop into separate organisations; in return for this loyalty subsidies were offered.
The late 1980s saw an increase in membership to over 1000 in 1989, over 2000 in 1993, dropping to around 1700 in 1995, a level which the committees sought to maintain for the rest of the decade. The 2000s saw membership fall to around 1300 members and as a result the decrease in revenues led the organisation to deregister for VAT in 2004. The organisation continues in its present structure with membership at around 1200.
Lewisham Friend was founded in 1976 as a voluntary organisation to run a telephone helpline providing in confidence information and advice to lesbian, gay and bisexual people on issues they may have in connection with their sexuality and others who may be worried about issues concerning the sexuality of a relative or friend. Lewisham Friend was affiliated to National Friend. The organisation folded in 2006.
Robert (Bob) Mellors was born in 1950. He was a student at the London School of Economics, following which he travelled to New York, where he became involved with the Gay Liberation Front. On his return to London, Mellors became the co-founder of the British Gay Liberation Front in 1970. When the GLF foundered in 1974, Mellors helped in the formation of more specialised lesbian and gay community groups. He was killed in 1996. Publications: editor of An outline of human ethnology: extracts from an unpublished work by Charlotte Bach (London, 1981); We are all androgynous yellow (Another-Orbit Press, London, 1980); Clint Eastwood loves Jeff Bridges - true! 'homosexuality', androgyny & evolution : a simple introduction (Another Orbit Press, London, 1978). Charlotte/Carl Bach, a man who lived the second half of his life as a woman, developed a number of philosophical theories relating to gender and sexuality.
The 1967 Sexual Offences Act, which decriminalised adult homosexual relationships, did not apply in Scotland. The first meeting of the Scottish Minorities Group took place in Jan 1969 in the drawing room of Ian Dunn's parents house in Glasgow, and consisted of only 6 people. The group was officially founded on 9 May 1969 as a self-help organisation working for the rights of homosexual men and women which aimed to provide counselling, work for law reform and provide meeting places for lesbians and gay men. Meetings were initially held in Glasgow; they moved to Edinburgh in August 1969.
During the early 1970s, SMG began to develop its organisation with a central address, a monthly newsletter (SMG News, begun in 1971), an Annual General Meeting, and coordination of the whole by a National Executive Committee. It also organised annual conferences and regular national forums, and established local branches. SMG was involved in campaigning against legal and social discrimination, providing venues for social activities, and running a befriending service. Amongst other things the group organised the Cobweb disco, Scotland's first gay disco, set up the SMG Glasgow and Edinburgh Women's Groups, established the Edinburgh Gay Switchboard, and held the first International Gay Rights Congress in Edinburgh. In 1977 the Glasgow Gay Centre was opened (it closed in 1982).
In 1978 SMG changed its name to the Scottish Homosexual Rights Group, and the name of the newsletter was changed to Gay Scotland. In 1980, an amendment to the 1980 Criminal Justice (Scotland) Bill partially decriminalised gay sex between men under 21. At its peak, SHRG had 1200 members. SHRG changed its name to Outright Scotland.
Michael Hellman came to the UK from Austria in 1938. In 1950 he underwent a surgical procedure to cure a fissure and the resultant problems led to his referral to a psychiatrist and his sectioning and detention in Horton Hospital, Epsom in 1955. There he was treated for an alleged serious mental illness including the use of insulin comas and ECT. Michael Hellman was released from Horton Hospital in January 1956. In 1958 he applied for a copy of his certificate and reception order from Horton Hospital which confirmed that his original medical condition had been ignored by the Hospital. Hellman later attempted to bring his case to court and sue the doctor involved. However, having been refused legal aid and conducting his own case he was refused leave to bring proceedings. All subsequent attempts to have the case reviewed by the Department of Health were refused. In 1997, Glenda Jackson, MP for Hampstead, took up the case with the Ministry of Health, but to date no enquiry has ever been held.
Born 1900; educated at Mount School in York, and Bedford College, University of London, where she graduated in modern languages; prospective parliamentary candidate for St Albans, 1936-1941; admitted to the Inner Temple, 1941, and called to the Bar, 1943; practised as a barrister in London and on the Midland Circuit; during World war Two, lectured on current events to troops under the War Office Scheme for Education; stood as Liberal candidate for Barnet, 1945, Lincoln, 1950, and Luton, 1955; prospective parliamentary candidate for Watford, 1953; contested Hendon Borough Council elections (Garden Suburb Ward), 1949 and 1953; Honorary Secretary, Women's Liberal Federation, [1941-1949]; served on the Executive of the Liberal Candidates Association; President, Hampstead Garden Suburb Ward Liberal Association; independent member of five Industrial Wages Councils; Head of Chambers, 5 Pump Court, Temple, [1970-1979]; Member, Management Board, Gladstone Benevolent Fund for Liberal Agents, [1973-1988]; died 1997.
Lena May Jeger (nee Chivers) was born in Yorkley, Gloucestershire on 19 November 1915, the daughter of Charles Chivers and Eugenie Alice James. She was educated at Southgate County School and Birkbeck College London where she gained a BA. In 1948 Lena Chivers married Dr Santo Jeger, Labour MP for Holborn and St Pancras South. After her husband's death in 1953, Jeger stood for, and won, her late husband's seat which she held between 1953-1959 and again between 1964-1979. As a member of local government she served on St. Pancras Borough Council between 1945-1959 and the London County Council between 1952-1955.
Jeger's career began in the Civil Service where she worked in HM Customs and Excise, the Ministry of Information and the Foreign Office between 1936-1949. In 1947 she worked at the British Embassy in Moscow as assistant editor of the British Ally, a newspaper published by the British Government for distribution in the Soviet Union. As a journalist, she was on the London staff of the Guardian and regularly contributed to other national newspapers. Her political career also included membership of the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party betwwen 1968-1980, serving as Vice-Chairman between 1978-1979 and Chairman between 1979-1980. She was the UK representative on the United Nations Status of Women Commission in 1967; a member of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe and Western European Union 1969-1971; a member of the Chairman's Panel in the House of Commons between 1971-1979; Opposition spokesman (Lords) on Social Security 1983-1989 and made an honorary fellow of Birkbeck College London in 1994. She retired from politics in 1979 and was created Baroness Jeger of St Pancras in Greater London.
Hugh Gater Jenkins was born in 1908 in Enfield, and in 1941 was commissioned into the RAF, serving as a Flight Lieutenant. He spent the latter part of his time in the RAF in the Far East on secondment as Head of English programmes at Rangoon Radio. After demobilisation in 1946 he became Research and Publicity Officer for the National Union of Bank Employees and editor of 'The Bank Officer'. In 1950 he joined the staff of Actors Equity as Assistant General Secretary. Jenkins stood as Labour Parliamentary candidate in Enfield in 1950 and in Mitcham in 1955. It was in Mitcham that he helped to found the Anti-H Bomb Committee, which later became the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, serving as Chairman from 1979 to 1981, and later becoming Vice-President. He was also chairman of Victory for Socialism from 1956 until shortly before it merged into the Tribune Group in 1960. He was County Councillor on the London County Council and Greater London Council for Stoke Newington and Hackney North from 1958 until his election as the Labour Member of Parliament for Putney, a position he held from 1964 to 1979. He was Chairman of the Standing Advisory Committee on Authorities and the Theatre, Vice-Chairman and later Vice-president of the Theatres Advisory Council, and Director and later consultant to the Theatres Trust. He was also a member of the Arts Council, 1968-1971, and Minister for the Arts, 1974-1976.
The Journal of Public Economics commenced publication in 1972. Its aim is to encourage original scientific contributions on the problems of public economics, with particular emphasis on the application of modern economic theory and methods of quantitative analysis. It provides a forum for discussion of public policy of interest to an international readership.
Phyllis Mary Kaberry, 1910-1977, was educated at the University of Sydney. Her first fieldwork was conducted in the early 1930s in North West Australia on the social status of aboriginal women. In 1936 she moved to London to work in the Anthropology Department of the London School of Economics as a research assistant to Audrey Richards. After obtaining her doctorate in 1939 she received a fellowship from the Australian National Research Council to undertake fieldwork among the Abelam tribe in New Guinea. From 1941 to 1943, Kaberry lectured at Yale on Australia and New Guinea and edited Malinowski's unpublished material on culture change. In 1945 she made the first of five field trips to Cameroon, first under the auspices of the International African Institute and later with the support of the Wenner-Gren Foundation. In 1949, she joined the Department of Anthropology at University College London, where she remained a Reader in Social Anthropology for 26 years.
Born 1900; educated at Goethe-Gymnasium, Frankfurt-am-Main, the University of Frankfurt, the University of Heidelberg, the University of Leipzig, and the University of London; Judge in German Courts, 1928-1933; Barrister-at-Law (Middle Temple), 1936-; Assistant Lecturer, Lecturer, and Reader in Law, London School of Economics, 1935-1961; Professor of Law, LSE, 1951-1964; Honorary Bencher, Middle Temple, 1969; Professor of Comparative Law, University of Oxford, 1964-1971; Emeritus Fellow, Brasenose College, 1971; Arthur Goodhart Professor of Legal Science, and Professorial Fellow, Cambridge University, 1975-1976; Honorary Fellow, Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 1977; Co-editor, Modern Law Review; Hon. President, International Society for Labour Law and Social Legislation; Member, Royal Commission on Trade Unions and Employers' Associations, 1965-1968; died 1979. Publications: A source-book on French law (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1973); Comparative Law as an academic subject (Clarendon Press, London, 1965); Labour and the law (Stevens, London, 1972); Labour law: old traditions and new developments (Clarke, Irwin and Co, Toronto/Vancouver, 1968); editor of Labour relations and the law (Stevens and Sons, London, 1965); Matrimonial property: where do we go from here? (University of Birmingham, 1971); The growth of internationalism in English private international law (Magnes Press, the Hebrew University, Jerusalem, 1960); The law of carriage by inland transport (Stevens and Sons, London, 1939); editor of The institutions of private law and their social functions (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1949); Laws against strikes (Fabian Society, London, 1972); editor of Labour law and politics in the Weimar Republic (Blackwell, Oxford, 1981); Labour relations: heritage and adjustment (Oxford University Press, 1979).
Born 1869; educated at City of London School; trained as an accountant, qualifying in 1892; gained law degree, 1897; called to Bar, Middle temple, 1897; practiced as barrister at the Parliamentary Bar, [1897]-1954; one of the founders of the League of Nations Society, 1915; Member of Executive, League of Nations Society, 1915-1918; Member of Executive, League of Nations Union, 1918-1928; retired, 1954; died 1957. Publications: A better League of Nations (Allen and Unwin, London, 1934); A guide to the Liabilities War Time Adjustment Act (Stevens and Sons, London, 1941); A League of Nations with large powers (Allen and Unwin, London, 1918); Crossing the Rubicon, or the passage from the rule of force to the rule of law among nations (Cornish Bros., Birmingham, 1939); Hammering out details (Fifield, London, 1917); compiler of Local legislation, 1909-1911 (Walter Southwood and Co, London, 1912-14); Markets, fairs and slaughter-houses (King and Son, Westminster, 1904); Parliamentary companies (Gee and Co, London, 1906); Real security against war (Williams and Norgate, London, 1929); The abolition of war (David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies: London, 1956); The law relating to public service undertakings (King and Son, London, 1925); The permanent court of international justice (League of Nations Union, 1922); The world in alliance: a plan for preventing future wars (Southwood and Co, London, 1915); Towards international justice (Allen and Unwin, London, 1923); Tramway companies and local authorities (Merritt and Hatchers, London, 1902); Urban police and sanitary legislation (King and Son, Westminster, 1905); A guide to the Public Works Facilities Act, 1930 (Stevens and Sons, London, 1931); Bankruptcy (Gee and Co, London, 1891).
Born 1910; educated Hayes Court and Girton College, Cambridge University; Souschargé, Department of Pre-History, Musée de l'Homme, Paris, 1934-1939; Mixed Youth Club Leader, Young Women's Christian Association, 1939-1942; Welfare Officer, Admiralty, Bath, 1942-47; served in the prison service, 1947-1974; Governor, HM Prison, Holloway, 1959-1966; Assistant Director of Prisons (Women), 1967-1974; Member of Council, St George's House, Windsor, 1971-1977; OBE 1973; Member, Redundant Churches Committee, 1974-1979; Member, Scott Holland Trust, 1978-1986; Sponsor, YWCA of Great Britain, 1979-present. Publications: When the Gates Shut (Longmans, London, 1967; Who Casts the First Stone? (Epworth, London, 1978).
The Kibbo Kift Kindred was founded in 1920 by John Hargrave and some of his fellow scoutmasters as an alternative to Scouting. Their emphasis on woodcraft training and recapitulation theories of education had the support of a number of radical thinkers. John Hargrave's growing interest in social credit resulted in the gradual development of the Kibbo Kift into a political party. From 1932 it became known as the Green Shirt Movement of Social Credit and in 1935 it became the Social Credit Party. The Party was badly affected by the Public Order Act of 1936, which prohibited the wearing of uniforms by political movements. It carried on after World War Two but was dissolved in 1951. The Kibbo Kift Foundation was formed by John Hargrave in 1977, with the primary task of acting as permanent owner of the archives and regalia of the Kindred of the Kibbo Kift and its successors, The Green Shirt Movement for Social Credit and The Social Credit Party of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The general aim and purpose of the Foundation is to revive and publicise the political, social, educational and cultural principles first laid down by John Hargrave (White Fox) when he founded the Kindred of the Kibbo Kift in 1920.
Sir Arthur Knight began his working life as a clerk at Sainsbury's, taking evening classes at the London School of Economics and graduating with a first class degree in commerce. He spent a year in the Department of Business Administration before joining Courtaulds as a junior economist in 1938. During World War Two, Knight served in the Army, returning to Courtaulds after his service and becoming finance director in 1961. He was a key player in the opposition to ICI's takeover of Courtaulds during the 1960s. Knight became deputy chairman in 1970 and Chairman in 1974. After leaving Courtaulds, Knight became Chairman of the National Enterprise Board but resigned in 1980 after only one year. During his career Knight took a keen interest in management education and helped to set up the Manchester Business School, serving on its council for several years.
After retirement Knight served on several Government committees and the executive committee of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research. He was a member of the LSE Court of Governors from 1971-1994 and became an honorary fellow in 1984 and pursued his interests in business history, management education and industrial policy.
The Labour Campaign for Criminal Justice was founded in 1978 by Alex Lyon MP to promote more extended discussion of criminal justice issues within the Labour Party and elsewhere. The group met monthly at Westminster and at its height had 400 members. It published quarterly newsletters along with reports and pamphlets on key issues in crime and criminal justice. The group publishes policy papers and organises seminars. In 1997 the LCCJ changed its name to the Labour Criminal Justice Forum to mark a move from a campaigning to a discussion group.
Member of the Sociology Department, London School of Economics.
The Liberal Party was re-launched in 1989 by those Liberals who opposed the merger of the Liberal and Social Democrat Parties in 1988. The party is run by a National Executive Committee (NEC), elected in a postal ballot of all members. It holds an Annual Assembly where motions are debated and, if passed, become party policy. The party publishes a journal, Liberal News, which contains articles on policy matters as well as news of campaigns and other events. In 2005, the Liberal Party had around 1300 members, and in that year's general election it won 19,068 votes. In 2007, it had 30 local councillors.
The London and Cambridge Economic Service was a joint venture between the London School of Economics and Cambridge University established in 1923. In the period before many of the official statistics series, the LCES aimed to support business by providing existing statistics in a usable form and developing new indicators such as share prices, money wages and industrial production. Longer 'Special Memoranda' were produced on particular subjects. The LCES was directed by an Executive Committee consisting of William Beveridge and Arthur Bowley from LSE and John Maynard Keynes and Hubert Henderson from Cambridge.
The Hutchinson Trust (1894-1904) administered the funds bequeathed by Henry Hunt Hutchinson to advance the objectives of the Fabian Society, which were used to establish and maintain the London School of Economics.
The Constance Hutchinson Trust left money for similar purposes (1896-1922).
The Trustees of the School met during 1896 to oversee the running of the School.
The Administrative Committee was the ruling body of the School from 1896-1901. It then became the Governors (1901-present).
The Finance and General Purposes Committee (1904-1908) prepared proposals on general policy to present to the Governors. It became known as the Council of Management (1908-1921), and was replaced by the Emergency Committee (1921-1937) was largely responsible for deciding and implementing the general policy of the School. It was renamed the Standing Committee in 1937.
The Faculty of Economics of the University of London was created when the School was admitted to the University in 1901.
The Professorial Council (1903-1950) discussed matters concerning the curriculum and academic affairs. It changed its name to the Academic Board in 1950. The Office Committee (1919-1921) was set up to advise the Council on administrative matters with an academic bearing. The General Purposes Committee (founded 1928) was a sub-committee of the Council for facilitating the discussion of academic policy. The Appointments Committee (formed 1921) was a committee of the Council that advised the Director on academic appointments.
The Rockefeller Research Fund Committee (1924- [1938]) administered individual applications from staff for funds for research projects provided by the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Fund.
The Ratan Tata Benefaction Committee (1917-1922) administered funds donated by Sir Ratan Tata for a Department of Social Science at LSE.
Further details of these and other LSE committees may be found in the printed handlist for the London School of Economics and Political Science Archives.